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President Donald Trump speaks during a news conference at the White House, Thursday, July 23, 2020, in Washington. (AP Photo/Evan Vucci)

Some presidents, when they get into trouble before an election, try to "wag the dog" by starting a war abroad. Donald Trump seems ready to wag the dog by starting a war at home. Be afraid — he just might get his wish.

How did we get here? Well, when historians summarize the Trump team's approach to dealing with the coronavirus, it will take only a few paragraphs:

"They talked as if they were locking down like China. They acted as if they were going for herd immunity like Sweden. They prepared for neither. And they claimed to be superior to both. In the end, they got the worst of all worlds — uncontrolled viral spread and an unemployment catastrophe.

"And then the story turned really dark.

"As the virus spread, and businesses had to shut down again and schools and universities were paralyzed as to whether to open or stay closed in the fall, Trump's poll numbers nose-dived. Joe Biden opened up a 15-point lead in a national head-to-head survey.

"So, in a desperate effort to salvage his campaign, Trump turned to the Middle East Dictator's Official Handbook and found just what he was looking for, the chapter titled, 'What to Do When Your People Turn Against You?'

"Answer: Turn them against each other and then present yourself as the only source of law and order."

Trump is adopting the same broad approach that Bashar Assad did back in 2011, when peaceful protests broke out in the southern Syrian town of Dara'a, calling for democratic reforms; the protests then spread throughout the country.

Assad did not want to share power, and so he made sure that the protests were not peaceful. He had his soldiers open fire on and arrest nonviolent demonstrators, many of them Sunni Muslims. Over time, the peaceful, secular elements of the Syrian democracy movement were sidelined, as hardened Islamists began to spearhead the fight against Assad.

Assad got exactly what he wanted — not a war between his dictatorship and his people peacefully asking to have their voices heard, but a war with Islamic radicals in which he could play the law-and-order president, backed by Russia and Iran. In the end, his country was destroyed and hundreds of thousands of Syrians were killed or forced to flee. But Assad stayed in power.

I have zero tolerance for any American protesters who resort to violence in any U.S. city, because it damages homes and businesses already hammered by the coronavirus — many of them minority-owned — and because violence will only turn off and repel the majority needed to drive change.

But when I heard Trump suggest, as he did in the Oval Office on Monday, that he was going to send federal forces into U.S. cities, where the local mayors have not invited him, the first word that popped into my head was "Syria."

Listen to how Trump put it: "I'm going to do something — that, I can tell you. Because we're not going to let New York and Chicago and Philadelphia and Detroit and Baltimore and all of these — Oakland is a mess. We're not going to let this happen in our country."

These cities, Trump stressed, are "all run by very liberal Democrats. All run, really, by radical left. If Biden got in, that would be true for the country. The whole country would go to hell. And we're not going to let it go to hell."

How can this happen in America?

In the face of such a threat, the left needs to be smart. Stop calling for "defunding the police" and then saying that "defunding" doesn't mean disbanding. If it doesn't mean that then say what it means: "reform."

The scene that The Times' Mike Baker described from Portland in the early hours of Tuesday — Day 54 of the protests there — is not good: "Some leaders in the Black community, grateful for a reckoning on race, worry that what should be a moment for racial justice could be squandered by violence. Businesses supportive of reforms have been left demoralized by the mayhem the protests have brought."

All of this street violence and defund-the-police rhetoric plays into the only effective Trump ad that I have seen on television. It goes like this: A phone rings and a recording begins: "You have reached the 911 police emergency line. Due to defunding of the police department, we're sorry but no one is here to take your call. If you're calling to report a rape, please press 1. To report a murder, press 2. To report a home invasion, press 3. For all other crimes, leave your name and number and someone will get back to you. Our estimated wait time is currently five days. Goodbye."

Today's protesters need to trump Trump by taking a page from another foreign leader — a liberal — Ekrem Imamoglu, who managed to win the 2019 election to become the mayor of Istanbul, despite the illiberal Recep Erdogan using every dirty trick possible to steal the election. Imamoglu's campaign strategy was called "radical love."

Radical love meant reaching out to the more traditional and religious Erdogan supporters, listening to them, showing them respect and making clear that they were not "the enemy" — that Erdogan was the enemy, because he was the enemy of unity and mutual respect, and there could be no progress without them.

As a recent essay on Imamoglu's strategy in The Journal of Democracy noted, he overcame Erdogan with a "message of inclusiveness, an attitude of respect toward (Erdogan) supporters, and a focus on bread-and-butter issues that could unite voters across opposing political camps. On June 23, Imamoglu was again elected mayor of Istanbul, but this time with more than 54% of the vote — the largest mandate obtained by an Istanbul mayor since 1984 — against 45% for his opponent."

Radical love. Wow. I bet that could work in America, too. It is the perfect answer to Trump's politics of division — and it is the one strategy he will never imitate.

The New York Times

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