Mark Milley is not the only general to call Donald Trump a fascist.
“Certainly the former president is in the far-right area, he’s certainly an authoritarian, admires people who are dictators — he has said that,” John Kelly, the former Marine general who served as Trump’s chief of staff, said during a recent interview with my New York Times colleague Michael Schmidt. “So he certainly falls into the general definition of fascist, for sure.”
Kelly even went as far as reading a definition of “fascism” to prove his point. “Well, looking at the definition of fascism: It’s a far-right authoritarian, ultranationalist political ideology and movement characterized by a dictatorial leader, centralized autocracy, militarism, forcible suppression of opposition, belief in a natural social hierarchy,” he said.
Those are the kinds of things, Kelly added, that Trump “thinks would work better in terms of running America.”
And while he is not a general, Mark Esper, Trump’s onetime secretary of defense, told CNN that he thinks the public should take the former president “seriously” when he raises the possibility of using the military against American citizens.
“I think President Trump has learned, the key is getting people around you who will do your bidding, who will not push back, who will implement what you want to do,” Esper said.
“And I think he’s talked about that, his acolytes have talked about that, and I think loyalty will be the first litmus test,” Esper added. He also said, following Kelly’s remarks, that Trump “has those inclinations,” meaning toward fascism.
Mark Milley. John Kelly. Mark Esper. Two generals. Three high-ranking officials in the Trump administration. Men with intimate knowledge of Trump’s impulses and private behavior. And here they are, telling the American public — explicitly and without euphemism — that their former boss is a would-be autocrat who will, if given the chance, plunge this country into the darkness of authoritarianism.
This is unprecedented. It’s one of the most extraordinary developments in American political history. To my mind, it is now the only story worth telling about the 2024 presidential election.
What is there to say about these revelations beyond the obvious point that Trump cannot be allowed to sit in the Oval Office a second time?
I have two thoughts — almost more like observations.
The first is for skeptics: Trump’s own actions in this campaign are confirmation that Milley, Kelly and Esper are right. One thing you’ll notice as we charge toward Election Day is the spate of stories about Trump’s post-election plans. Not transition plans, for how to staff the government if he wins, but plans to challenge and overturn the results, if he loses. Plans to prevent certification of electoral votes, plans to throw out votes in states he lost — plans to do everything he can to take the final decision away from the people of the United States and put it in the hands of judges and election officials who support him more than they value their sworn oath to the Constitution.
The mere fact that this is a thing — the mere fact that this is an effort — is evidence alone of Trump’s authoritarian intent.
Put differently, Donald Trump does not respect your right to reject his advances. If the American public declines to give him a second term in office, his plan is to force himself on that public on the theory that the country and its political system are too far gone to stop him.
This brings me to my second observation.
We don’t, in 2024, hear much talk of guardrails anymore. And for good reason. The guardrails failed. Every single one of them. The Republican Party failed to police its own boundaries. The impeachment process, designed to remove a rogue president, was short-circuited, unable to work in a world of rigid partisan loyalty. The criminal legal system tried to hold Trump accountable, but this was slow-walked and sabotaged by sympathetic judges (and justices) appointed by Trump or committed to the Republican Party.
The truth, at this point, is that the only real guardrails in the American system are the voters — the people, acting in their own defense.
For too long, too many of us have acted as if democracy can run on autopilot — as if self-government will, well, take care of itself. But it won’t. The reality is that the future of the American republic is up to us.
It is, in fact, the great irony of self-government that we can decide to end it. “If destruction be our lot, we must ourselves be its author and finisher,” observed a young Abraham Lincoln in 1838. “As a nation of freemen, we must live through all time, or die by suicide.” If we wish, we can vote to hand away the closest thing we have, as a people, to a birthright.
My hope is that we don’t. My hope is that enough of us recognize the plain fact that Trump has been nothing more than a force for corruption, greed, cruelty and cynicism in American life. That he has empowered the worst among us and encouraged the worst in many of us. And that his great accomplishment as a national political leader is to spread the dangerous lie that our problems can be blamed on the weakest and most vulnerable in our midst.
My hope, in short, is that enough Americans understand that there is no amount of harm you can inflict on others that will save you, give you strength, make you whole or keep you safe.
The New York Times