David LeonhardtThe most fragile part of the country right now is our democratic values. Yes, we face other serious problems - the physical condition of our planet, above all. But the fate of those other problems will be decided in the months and years to come. The condition of our democracy is acute.
We've just finished an election that included unprecedented violations of America's long-held democratic values, like calls to overturn civil liberties and the interference of a hostile foreign government. The candidate who violated those values won the election.
So the question becomes: Will the country start adjusting to a new, less democratic reality, or will Donald Trump adjust his own approach as president-elect?
It would be a grave error to believe wishfully that Trump must change. The best working assumption about any candidate is that he will try to do what he campaigned on. Studies show that presidents usually do.
But it would also be a mistake to reject any moves Trump makes toward greater respect for democracy. We should be fervently rooting for and working toward such a shift. Trump has been known to change his positions, after all.
For the many people opposed to him, the right approach involves a balance of vigilance and generosity of spirit. Trump's initial appointments - of Reince Priebus as chief of staff and Stephen Bannon as chief strategist - underscore the need for both.
Priebus, a longtime Republican official, supports many policies that I believe would damage the planet and the middle class, and fighting those policies will be important, soon. Yet I welcome his appointment. He fits squarely within our country's democratic values.
The Anti-Defamation League struck the right balance Sunday, first commending Trump for choosing Priebus - and then strongly criticizing Bannon. As executive chairman of Breitbart News, Bannon turned that site into a promoter of racist and anti-Semitic conspiracies. Bannon has done little to repudiate it.
For the news media and official Washington, the danger will be normalizing appointments such as Bannon's. His appointment is a violation of American values, period.
But if official Washington should be tough enough to avoid normalizing the Bannons of the world, Trump's opponents should be smart enough to avoid Bannonizing any sign of normalcy.
This will be hard, I realize. It will be hard because people are angry and worried. It will be hard because every shift by Trump away from his campaign rhetoric will seem hypocritical. In fact, it will often be hypocritical. But hypocrisy is better than authoritarianism.
And it remains unclear which path Trump will choose. On election night, he gave a gracious victory speech. On "60 Minutes," he looked at the camera and told people who have been harassing minorities to "Stop it." Last week, after sending a chilling tweet criticizing "professional protesters," he followed up by affirming the idea of protest.
Obama and Hillary Clinton have also struck the proper balance between vigilance and generosity. They have welcomed Trump's nods toward unity, understanding that to reject them is to aggravate the dangers. But they have also carefully promoted vigilance - that, as Obama said, the country depends on "a sense of unity, a sense of inclusion, a respect for our institutions, our way of life."
Perhaps the most important figures now are the Republican leaders who voted for Trump. They are planning the legislative changes they will be making, as is their due. But they also have a patriotic duty - a duty to stand up for pluralism, equality, tolerance of dissent and the rule of law.
They have a duty to encourage Trump toward those values. Republicans often like to describe themselves as defenders of freedom. We need them to live up to that ideal.
The New York Times